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SOME ARTICLES AND CASES OF INTEREST
FOR THOSE WHO WISH
TO BETTER UNDERSTAND ATYPICAL THEFT BEHAVIOR
WHY
ESSENTIALLY HONEST PERSONS STEAL
By
Will Cupchik, Ph.D., C.Psych.
Originally
written at the request of, and published in The Los Angeles
Psychologist Newsletter, Vol.12, No. 3, 1998
INTRODUCTION
Forensic
psychologists and psychiatrists are sometimes referred individuals who are
described by their lawyers as heretofore honest, hard-working,
white/blue-collar workers, professionals, business people who may even be
pillars of their communities, or even public figures, yet for whom
clinical assessments are being sought that will explain why these clients
committed seemingly nonsensical, even bizarre, acts of shoplifting
or other kinds of theft.
Too
often, a diagnosis of kleptomania is forthcoming in such cases, even
though one of the stipulations of DSM IV[i]
is that in instances of kleptomania, the offender’s stealing is not
committed as a means of expressing anger.
In fact, however, our[ii]
original 1983 investigation[iii]
(carried out by me and Dr. D.J. Atcheson) and as corroborated by my[iv]
1996 study[v],
have clearly indicated that perhaps most so-called nonsensical or bizarre
acts of theft have been
carried out by persons who were, in fact,
very angry indeed at the time -- angry with their spouses, other
‘significant others’, bosses or co-workers, God, and/or themselves.
In fact, in 1994, Dr. Atcheson and I estimated that of the hundreds
of theft offenders we had assessed, perhaps 2% to 3% were truly suffering
from kleptomania.
Not
infrequently, also, the assessing clinician will conclude that the accused
individual was depressed at
the time of the theft. The
assessor may then write a letter or report indicating that such theft
behavior was an aberrant act that is most unlikely to reoccur.
However, making a statement that the accused was depressed does not
in any way provide an explanation as to why
the person chose to commit an act of theft in response to feeling
depression, in preference to committing some other kind of aberrant
behavioral response (such as getting drunk, speeding, overeating, etc...).
Furthermore, assurances that there will be no further acts of theft
not infrequently turn out to be in error, and when the re-offending person
appears once again before the court perhaps weeks, months or years later,
a new letter or report suggesting that the offender stole once again
“because he or she was again depressed” may not be received at all
well by the court. Nor does
such a clinician’s offering necessarily assist either the comprehension
of the court with regard to the latest theft; neither is the offender
enlightened in regard to understanding his or her behavior, or helped to
cease and desist from carrying out additional thefts in the future.
It
was fortuitous that between 1979 and 1983, while working on the forensic
service of the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry in Toronto, numerous such
cases, usually at their lawyers’ urgings, presented themselves to us for
full clinical assessments, usually involving psychological testing, plus
clinical interviews with members of the forensic assessment team, which
included psychologists, clinical social workers, and psychiatrists.
Dr.
Atcheson and I published the findings of our original study into the
bizarre theft behavior of generally honest persons in a 1983 article
entitled, Shoplifting: An
Occasional Crime Of The Moral Majority. Our principle finding was that
most of the cases of apparently nonsensical or bizarre shoplifting that we
assessed appeared to have been perpetrated by persons who had acted out
in response to having anticipating experiencing, or
having actually experienced, what they perceived to be
unfair personally meaningful losses.
Furthermore, in virtually no cases had these individuals related
their loss experiences to their subsequent acts of theft.
This causal relationship seemed to have occurred in the majority of
such cases; indeed this psychological relationship between actual and/or
anticipated loss and acting out
by shoplifting seemed so frequent an occurrence that we formally
articulated it as the Loss-Substitution-by-Shoplifting Hypothesis.
In
a chapter we wrote for the book Clinical Criminology: The Treatment and
Assessment of Criminal Behavior[vi]
we extended our formulation to include acts of fraud in addition to
shoplifting.
Over
the period of the last eleven years during which time I have continued my
clinical investigations of theft behavior from within my private practice,
I have concluded that any type
of theft behavior may be perpetrated by generally honest and ethical
persons, whom we termed ‘Atypical
Theft Offenders’. Therefore,
I have now extended and renamed our original hypothesis as the Loss-Substitution-By-Stealing
Hypothesis, as follows:
“In response to experiencing (or anticipating) what is
perceived to be an unfair
personally meaningful loss,
some individuals, whom we have termed Atypical Theft Offenders, may carry
out acts of theft, by which they cause other persons, places or
institutions to suffer unfair
losses of some sort or other. Such
acts of atypical theft behavior are almost always carried out without the
conscious awareness (on the part of the perpetrator) of the relationship
of the act of stealing to the experienced or anticipated loss.”
CASE
MATERIAL
Case
# 1: Harold, a Holocaust survivor who stole to soothe a 50-year old wound
A
financially successful, now retired gentleman, was apprehended in a drug
store in 1995, and charged with stealing an item worth less than $10.
In our interview, this individual could not offer me any
explanation as to why he had done such a thing.
He did not even need the stolen item!
Approximately an hour after I had concluded a rather extensive
history-taking, which included having the client recount some very painful
recollections of his survival during successive stays at three
concentration camps, I realized
that the date of his being
apprehended for stealing, and the date of his release from the
concentration camps, were the same --separated by a period of a
half-century.
The
client’s recollection of his release from the concentration camp was
dramatic indeed; he and all the other inmates had been awakened in the
middle of the night and marched by their German guards for over five
hours, over country roads strewn with sharp stones, without the benefit of
any footwear to ease their distress.
These poor, barefoot souls were marched with sore and bleeding
feet, without rest. Those who fell and had difficulty getting up were shot
where they had fallen. The remaining concentration camp prisoners
eventually arrived at a border and were told by the fleeing Germans
soldiers that the war was over for them, and that they should stay where
they were and the Red Cross and allied soldiers would be there soon. Then
the soldiers ran away. Red
Cross personnel and allied soldiers arrived a few hours later.
I
inquired whether my client had been thinking of his release from the
concentration camps on the morning that he was apprehended for theft.
He replied in no uncertain terms that he had not!
In fact, he said, he never
thought about those terrible times.
And he did not want to do so now.
The professional reader of this article may well appreciate the
symbolically driven, unconscious dynamics at work in this case when I
mention that this man had been arrested for stealing a package of Dr.
Scholl’s foot pads.
In
the day of the theft in 1995 this client’s feet were in fine condition.
Indeed, he had always made sure, since coming to North America and
thriving, that he wore only the most comfortable shoes.
And he could well afford to replace those that became even close to
being worn out! I suggest
that this man represents a classic case of an Atypical Theft Offender.
Case
# 2: Penelope, who shoplifted only on the first day of her menstruation
Penelope
was one of the first theft offenders to alert me to the matter of
shoplifting as a behavioral manifestation of an aspect of her menstrual
cycle. In one of our early
sessions she volunteered that she only shoplifted on the first day of her
menstruation, and usually only when that day coincided with experiencing
some at least moderately serious marital disharmony. She and I thereafter
jointly tracked her mood and marital problems as a function of where she
was in her menstrual cycle and her inclinations to shoplift.
She described for me her “pronounced feelings of aloneness and
impending
emptiness” when she would begin menstruating at a time when she was also
experiencing feelings of anger towards, and emotional distance from, her
husband.
Over
the past several years I have noted that some female Atypical Theft
Offenders have been more inclined to shoplift at particular times before
or during the days that they were menstruating. As well, some male and
female Atypical Theft Offenders have apparently reacted by stealing in
response to having not been able to conceive, or having lost a
child.
Case
# 3: Margaret, who stole from her employer whenever her father had another
bout with cancer
Over
a period of ten years, as it turned out when she was finally apprehended,
Margaret, who had worked for over 15 years as senior secretary to the
frequently traveling owner of a successful manufacturing company, had
intermittently written forged cheques in her employer’ name for amounts
ranging from $50 to $5000, for a total amount of $65,000.
It was only when she became more aggressive in forging cheques for
increasingly larger amounts over shorter intervals, that she was found
out. When we reviewed her theft behavior with copies of the canceled
cheques provided by her employer, we discovered that her cheque writing
endeavors coincided nearly exactly with those times when her father had
again had a setback in regard to his prostate cancer.
The largest, and most recently cashed, forged cheques were
deposited in her account a few days after her father’s death.
At
no time had Margaret ever related the two events in her conscious mind
until we reviewed the salient events in her life during the period of the
previous ten years.
This
lack of awareness of the connection between their stealing activities and
their lives’ stresses, including and especially what actual or
anticipated losses they were dealing with, is very typical indeed of
Atypical Theft Offenders.
FORMULATION
Atypical
Theft Offenders are individuals whose acts of theft are not related to
genuine need or greed; rather, their theft behavior is carried out for
psychological as opposed to either material or monetary motivations.
Indeed,
there appears to be a Theft Offender continuum, ranging from pure
‘Atypical Theft Offenders’, i.e., who have led exemplary lives up to
the point of their acts of bizarre or nonsensical acts of theft wherein
they have taken things that they may not have wanted, let alone needed,
and who experience powerful feelings of shame, humiliation, and remorse,
on the one hand, to, on the other hand, those persons who have stolen
precisely what they wanted when they wanted, for either their own use or
for sale, and who have no sense of remorse or concern about their theft
behavior. I have termed the latter category of offender, ‘Typical Theft
Offenders’. And in between there seems to be a large number of theft
offenders with mixed (Atypical
+ Typical) Theft Offender qualities.
Incidentally,
those who truly suffer from kleptomania are, in terms of this Theft
Offender continuum, considered to represent, depending upon the particular
case in mind, individuals who may exhibit both Atypical Theft Offender and
Typical Theft Offender qualities, inasmuch as his or her behavior may be
rather out of control and occasionally bizarre, on the one hand, while at
the same time, and on the other hand, the offender may steal without
remorse, and may indeed sometimes take things that are wanted, and some of
which may then be sold or given to ‘significant others’.
As
far as Atypical Theft Offenders are concerned,
our studies strongly indicate that when essentially honest persons
shoplift or commit other acts of theft, they do so for one or more of the
following reasons:
·
as a response to what is
perceived as unfair personally meaningful loss, or the anticipation of
such
·
as a reaction to stress
·
as a reaction to serious
illness, and in particular cancer;
·
as a regressive, symbolic act
·
as a behavioral manifestation
of conscious, subconscious or unconscious manipulation
and/or
·
as unconscious retribution.
Let
us consider only one of the above points -- that of theft as a reaction to
serious illness. It is clear from our 1983 study, and corroborated by my
1996 study, that serious illness, and in particular cancer, was most
likely a dynamic factor in the bizarre theft behavior of many of the
subjects of these studies.
SOME
DATA OF THE 1996 STUDY
In
this brief article let me just refer very briefly to only three of the
findings from the 1996 study, which involved 36 cases (18 men and 18
women).
Table
One
The
Relationship Of Theft Behavior To Much Earlier Life Events (1996 study)
|
Total
number of cases
|
Number
of cases where the theft behavior was likely related to much
earlier (usually childhood) events
|
|
36
|
30
(83.3%)
|
The
case of the Holocaust survivor clearly was included in the 30 cases
referred to in Table 1.
Table
Two
When
‘not having a child’ or
‘not being able to conceive a child’ or ‘losing a child’
were
evidently precipitating factors in atypical theft behavior (1996 study)
|
Total
number of cases
|
Number
of cases where not having, or not being able to conceive, or
losing a child was a precipitating factor in the theft behavior
|
|
36
|
6
(16.7%) [4
men; 2 women]
|
Table
Three
Cases
where illness was likely a dynamic factor in
the
theft behavior of offenders in the 1996 study
(N=36)
|
#
of cases in which cancer
in subject or ‘significant other’ was likely a dynamic factor
|
#
of cases in which non-cancerous
illness in subject or ‘significant other’ was likely a
dynamic factor
|
Total
# of cases in which any illness of subject or ‘significant
other’ was likely a dynamic factor
|
|
4
cases
|
8
cases
|
12
|
|
11.1%
|
22.2%
|
33.3%
|
ASSESSMENT
PROCEDURES
Over the past 37 years of my
clinical involvement with theft offenders, I have developed an intake
assessment procedure that aims to uncover both
current and earlier salient
events that may have impacted upon these individuals, perhaps
precipitating atypical theft behavior. To that end I developed a Theft
Offender Questionnaire[vii]
to assist offenders and clinicians to focus their attentions upon possibly
useful data. I then use the
resultant information to direct our next conversations towards locating
possible relationships between the salient events in their lives and their
acting out theft behavior.
The information forthcoming in
this assessment phase is usually essential to providing the court with an
understanding of the offender’s actions, and is central to sentencing
issues as well as to configuring and postulating an effective treatment
plan.
I have also developed the Theft
Offender Spectrum[viii],
a 25 item scale that can assist a suitably trained and competent mental
health professional to arrive at an, at least provisional, hypothesis as
to whether the offender being dealt with is more likely to be correctly
labeled as an atypical, typical, or
mixed type of theft offender.
TREATMENT
PROCEDURES
A discussion of treatment
procedures is beyond the scope of this brief article.
Having carried out both individual and group therapy with Atypical
Theft Offenders for many years, I have developed a specific treatment
approach that I have labeled STATO therapy
(Specialized Treatment for
Atypical Theft Offenders). This approach utilizes Redecision[ix]
and Reintojection[x]
therapies as well as a variety of Gestalt
and cognitive techniques and exercises to assist the offenders to
resolve the issues that have been precipitating their acting out behavior.
SUMMATION
Acts of nonsensical or bizarre
theft are frequently carried out by persons whom I have termed Atypical
Theft Offenders. Many of these persons may be misdiagnosed as suffering
from kleptomania, with the result that not only is their behavior
misunderstood, but also they may thereafter be offered less than maximally
helpful clinical treatment and court disposition.
My over 17 years of clinical
investigations, begun when I was on the staff of the forensic service of
the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry, has provided me with the opportunity
to assess hundreds of Atypical Theft Offenders. Our major finding has been
that such criminal behavior, when carried out by generally and genuinely
honest persons, usually
results for one or more of a combination of causative factors, the most
prominent of which is perceived
(actual or anticipated) unfair, personally meaningful loss. Other
factors, such as stress, anger, and reactions to not having, or being able
to have, or actually losing a child, have also been uncovered. This brief
article has referred to some of the important findings of my
investigations, including unique assessment and treatment procedures.
REFERENCES
[i]
American Psychiatric Association (1994).
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition,
Washington, D.C., American Psychiatric Association.
[ii]
The word “our” in this context refers to the investigations
and findings carried out by the author and Dr. D. J. Atcheson between
1979 and 1986, while we
were both working on the same clinical team and in the employ of the
forensic service of the Clarke Institute of Psychiatry, Toronto.
[iii]
Cupchik,W, Atcheson, D.J. Shoplifting: An Occasional Crime of the
Moral Majority, Bulletin of the
American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law, Vol.11: No. 4,
p.343-354, 1983
[iv]
References to “my” findings and investigations, refer to those I
have carried out since leaving the employ of the Clarke Institute of
Psychiatry in November of 1986, and which I have conducted from within
my private practice as a registered psychologist in Toronto.
[v]
Cupchik, W. (1996). In Why
Honest People Shoplift Or Commit Other Acts Of Theft: Assessment And
Treatment Of ‘Atypical Theft Offenders’, Toronto, Tagami
Communications, 1997
[vi]
Cupchik, W., Atcheson,D.J., Shoplifting: An Occasional Crime of the
Moral Majority. In Clinical
Criminology: The Assessment And Treatment Of Criminal Behavior.
Edited by Ben-Aron, M.H., Hucker, S.J., and Webster, C.D., Toronto.
Clarke Institute of Psychiatry/University of Toronto Press, 1985
[vii]
Cupchik, W. (1996) The Theft Offender Questionnaire. In
Why Honest People
Shoplift Or Commit Other Acts Of Theft: Assessment And Treatment Of
‘Atypical Theft Offenders’, Toronto, Tagami Communications,
1997.
[viii]
Cupchik,W. (1996) The Theft Offender Spectrum.
In Why Honest People
Shoplift Or Commit Other Acts Of Theft: Assessment And Treatment Of
‘Atypical Theft Offenders’, Toronto,
Tagami Communications, 1997.
[ix]
Goulding, M. M. and R. L.(1979). Changing
Lives Through Redecision Therapy, N.Y., N.Y.: Brunner/Mazel.
[x]
Cupchik, W. (1984). Reintrojection Therapy: A Procedure For Altering
Parental Introjects, Psychotherapy:
Theory, Research, and
Practice, Volume 21, Summer,
#2
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Why
Do Some Usually Mature and Honest Adults Over-spend or Even Shoplift,
Especially Around Holidays such as Christmas?
Originally
written for, and published on the web site of Committment e-zine
The
holidays are coming! The holidays are coming! When our newspapers are
bulging with special advertising supplements, our radios are playing
holiday music, and are promoting gift-giving, then major overspending and
even some atypical shoplifting may occur.
For
the remainder of this article we will focus especially on Christmas and
its pressures/effects upon some usually honest, ethical and reasonable
people.
What
if, at holiday time, the real world where we live has some particularly
poignant unpleasantness awaiting some of us? What if, as an example, this
is to be the first Christmas and New Year's without a recently deceased
parent or child. Or, what if
one's marriage has disappeared, due either to separation, divorce or
death?
It
is frequently much more difficult to deal with feelings of pain, sadness,
anger, and the emptiness that inevitably accompanies what are considered
to be unfair, personally meaningful losses. Unfortunately, in some cases,
the response to such distress, especially at what is supposed to be a
merry and happy part of the year, is to over-spend or even, in some cases,
to shoplift, as a means of compensating ourselves for what we have lost.
When people have suffered major personally meaningful losses, especially
when these losses are perceived to have been essentially unfair, then
overspending and/or even shoplifting may be avenues that they might find
themselves taking; this can be the case even though these same theft
offenders would normally find such behaviors very offensive and entirely
out of the question.
As
an example, consider Mary, a 38 -year old highly successful corporate
lawyer, who was apprehended for shoplifting in the pharmacy near her
office, two hours after her husband had undergone radiation therapy for
cancer at the nearly university hospital. When apprehended, Mary was
entirely at a loss to explain her behavior, which put in jeopardy her
reputation, to say nothing of her approximately $350,000 per annum income.
She was shocked by her own actions, and had not made any connection
between her theft behavior and her husband's deteriorating medical
situation.
In
my years of assessing and treating essentially honest women and men
who have stolen, I have come to understand that our unconscious minds are
very active, and can promote what is often experienced, at a conscious
level, as out-of-control conduct. In these instances, even though we know
better, we act out in ways that are not in our best interest. For some
persons, this will mean indulging in overeating, or excess drinking, or
overspending. Or, yes, in some cases, even shoplifting! All in the service
of making the pain duller, and numbing the thoughts and feelings that
pertain to the lost person, or job, or whatever other kind of losses, that
swirl around the periphery of our conscious minds, trying to get our
attention.
As
easy as it is to say, and as difficult as it may be for us to do, we all
have to face our losses, and mourn them, and cry and feel the pain, and
gradually get over as much of the pain as we can, and get on with what the
future may bring us. Shoplifting by essentially honest persons often
signals undealt-with distress, usually pertaining to such personal losses.
For
those generally honest persons who may have found themselves shoplifting,
I suggest finding a suitable professional with whom you might discuss and
deal with your responses to those losses that are so very painful to
experience and so difficult to accept.
The
holiday season exacerbates the problem of dealing with losses. The first
annual ‘special days’ (e.g., birthdays, anniversaries, etc...) that we
have to endure without a loved one, are especially distressful. At the
holiday season, making sure to get the caring support of friends and loved
ones is especially important to ease the burden of having to go through
such a poignant period bearing such a loss. So-called ‘anniversary
reactions’ are to be expected, and hopefully they will become less and
less severe over time.
*********************************************************************************************
Lastly, consider one of
the most classical cases of pure ATYPICAL Theft Behavior that Dr. Cupchik
has ever encountered.
Martha: The
nanny who stole 150 dresses that she kept in her closet with their sales
tags still on.
Martha was a woman in her fifties when she
first appeared for assessment. A woman of little formal education, she had
worked as a daytime nanny for a wealthy family for over a decade. The family
members thought of Martha as a treasured member of the household. Deeply
religious and highly moral, she had agreed to an assessment because she
believed there must be something fundamentally and terribly wrong with her
as a human being.
The short version of her story is that she
had been apprehended by the police at a shopping mall while she was making a
third trip to her employer’s station wagon, struggling to carry two large
shopping bags filled to overflowing with some articles of clothing. The
department store’s security person reported that she had seen Martha take a
dress off the rack and place it in a large shopping bag, and then do the
same with several other dresses. The police obtained a warrant and upon
searching the small house that Martha shared with her husband, a taxi
driver, they found more than 150 dresses, with their tags still on them and
obviously unworn, in a walk-in closet in the basement.
Martha
was at a complete loss to provide some plausible explanation for what she
had done. Subsequent investigation led the police to conclude that she did
not steal the dresses for purposes of resale. The neighbors described
Martha and her spouse as a quiet couple who were regular church-goers and
ready volunteers at the local community center on Sundays. This hard-working
couple had immigrated to this country in the 1960s and had worked steadily
ever since.
Martha related that she found herself going
into the basement on numerous occasions over the previous few months. On
those occasions she would place a chair in the middle of the walk-in closet
where she had placed the dresses, and would simply sit for hours (while her
husband was out working) surrounded by the dresses, finding their mere
presence strangely soothing and peaceful.
Initially Dr. Atcheson and I (Dr. Cupchik)
were at a loss to understand Martha's shoplifting behavior. She certainly
did not need most, if any, of the rather upscale dresses she had stolen. In
fact, her employers had periodically gifted her some dresses that had been
worn on only a few occasions but which were quite acceptable for Martha to
wear, even to church.
Martha told me that all the dresses had been
taken over a five-month period. She said that she had never done such a
thing before, and never intended to wear the clothes! She could not bring
herself to even try them on in her own home. She could offer no reasonable
explanation for her shoplifting behavior or the curious calming effect that
being in their presence had upon her.
In our next interview she told me that she
had discussed with her husband our conversation of the previous session.
When I had asked what was happening in their lives back at about the start
of her shoplifting spree, she had replied that their lives never changed,
but had been, as usual, filled with work, church, and their volunteer
activities - in short, nothing special. She said that her husband had been
shocked to learn that she had not mentioned to me the death of their
fourteen-year old household pet, a small dog, which had occurred just prior
to the onset of Martha's stealing activities. This new information was the
thin edge of a wedge that allowed us to pry open the cover of her
encapsulated memories and emotions regarding this recent loss, and an even
more traumatic one that had occurred decades earlier.
Martha
explained about the more recent loss first. It seemed that there had been an
accident in the kitchen in their home when she was preparing dinner and the
pet had been badly burned with cooking oil. The veterinarian could only put
the poor thing out of its misery. A shaken and guilt ridden Martha had held
the animal while the vet gave it a lethal injection.
For Martha and her spouse, Louis, it was a
devastating loss. Unable to have children, they had had the dog since it was
eight weeks old. Their friends would kid them about the child-substitute
aspect of their relationships with the dog. Martha and Louis did not mind
the joking. They readily acknowledged that the dog played such a role in
their lives. Having to put the animal down was extremely painful for them
both.
Of course this information hardly explained
why Martha had shoplifted. It is true that she blamed herself for having
left the kitchen for several minutes while the cooking oil was heating in
the pot on the stove. But why the thefts? Why dresses? And why so many
dresses? Why not shoes or dog collars or magazines or shirts or food?
It was during our third interview that the
answers to these questions emerged. Like many children in Europe during the
Second World War, Martha lived with her mother while her father went off to
soldier. One day, when she was eight years old, she was out in a field
gathering potatoes for one of their meagre meals when she saw a soldier
staggering towards her in his rain-soaked and bloodied uniform. When he
got closer, she saw that the soldier was indeed her father, He had left the
fighting at the front days earlier and had almost made it all the way back
to their extremely modest dwelling. He collapsed at her feet, and with the
young girl holding him, he literally died in his daughter's arms. Some farm
hands helped her to bury her father under the welcoming branches of a large
tree.
Martha's mother, a seamstress, had been sick
for months, and now there was almost no money left to see them through this
horrible period. Before she became so ill, her mother used to made fine
dresses for the rich ladies in the town nearby, and had been in the habit of
making her dearly loved daughter some gorgeous, finely embroidered dresses
with the bits of material left over from her work for the wealthy clients.
Now those fine child's dresses became their currency of survival. One by one
the mother required that her daughter part with yet another dress. Martha
was instructed to go into the town carrying a bag containing one or two
dresses. She was to knock on the wealthy women's doors and barter food, or
a little money, in exchange for her lovely dresses. Thanks to her mother's
handiwork, and the ample supply of dresses, only some of which Martha had
outgrown at the time, they were able to make it through the remaining months
of the war.
*****
To the little girl
residing inside the now-adult Martha the equating of dresses with survival,
and the horror of having had her father die in her arms, had remained
unrecognized and undealt-with for over four decades. When her dog was
injured, and had to be put down, she had held it in her arms while the vet
gave it a lethal injection.
Martha’s acting out was very
likely triggered by the loss of the dog. Moreover, the manner of the dog
being put down most likely reverberated through her unconscious and
activated the suppressed memories and undealt-with feelings regarding the
much earlier traumatic loss of her father. When she had been a child,
having a collection of dresses made survival possible in the face of painful
and horrible loss. To this woman’s unconscious mind, the death of the dog,
and its manner of dying probably triggered a desire to compensate herself
for this unfair loss of her child-substitute by acquiring that which meant
hope, security and survival -- dresses!
In Dr. Cupchik’s
experience in assessing cases of atypical theft behavior, there emerges,
virtually always, highly plausible explanations as to why usually honest,
ethical, contributing members of society might suddenly and perhaps
repeatedly resort to committing acts of shoplifting or other kinds of theft.
In his book, Why Honest People Shoplift Or Commit Other Acts Of Theft,
Dr. Cupchik has included two assessment tools (the Cupchik Theft Offender
Spectrum and Cupchik Theft Offender Questionnaire) that he has
devised to assist clinicians and the clients themselves to determine whether
and to what extent, the individual is an Atypical Theft Offender, a more
common Typical Theft Offender (or typical theft, who steals out of greed),
or a combination of both types of offenders.
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